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Vol. 01. No. 22 (November 8, 1999)


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RELIGIOUS PERSPECTIVES ON HUMAN RIGHTS

E-Newsletter
Vol.1 No.22
November 8, 1999


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Religious Perspectives on Human Rights is now available online at: http://www.rghr.net

Religious Perspectives on Human Rights is a weekly e-newsletter issued by Buddhist, Muslim, Catholic and Christian Groups on Human Rights, initiated by the Asian Human Rights Commission.


What makes Engaged Buddhism, Buddhist?

(Extracted from the article ‘Globalization and the Human Spirit: Buddhism and Social Engagement in Thialnd’ by Paul Francis of the Institute for Development and Management, University of Manchester)

Marketing co-operatives, micro-credit, holistic farming, environmental protection, community forestry, communication, public education, health care – all of these activities are also promoted by NGOs, and even government. What then is specifically 'Buddhist' about the initiatives described here?

Status and ritual

First, the social and cultural characteristics of the sangha and its relationship to the community give the initiatives particular features. Although the prestige of monks has declined in recent years, they retain considerable status within their communities. In the case of development monks, this standing is often enhanced by their evident integrity and commitment. In contrast to government and NGO personnel, monks very often live in or near the communities of their birth. They speak the local language or dialect, and their involvement is of a long-term nature.

A further, and superficially most striking, characteristic of these initiatives is the widespread use of local Buddhist ritual forms. Through them, elements of traditional ceremonies are creatively recombined and invested with new secular meanings in public performance. The various ceremonies mentioned above tend to fall into one of two types according to their principal function: the redistribution of resources, and the sanctioning of collective agreements. In the modified phaa paa ceremony, an example of the redistributive type, the traditional method of obtaining merit by presenting cloths and other requisites to the sangha is transformed into a means of raising resources for community activities, the poor or the sick. These ceremonies consist not merely of a generalisation of the traditional flow of material goods, but also by its simultaneous reversal - as the goods are presented to them, the sangha passes them on to the community or the needy, that is, back to the lay sphere. This fact appears to invest the ceremony - whether the establishment of a rice bank, a collective labour initiative, or the donation of medicines for AIDS patients - with even more power, sacralizing both recipient and giver.

The ritual pledge in which members of savings groups in Luang Pho Nan's village undertake to decrease unnecessary expenditures is an example of a type of rituals marking sanctioned agreement. The most common application of this type of ritual is to environmental protection, as in the 'tree ordination' ceremony now widespread in Thailand, and the more locally specific suebjata (life prolonging) ritual adopted for river protection in Nan Province. Again, these ceremonies creatively combine elements of the old and the new in a performance which attaches traditional and mystical sanctions to community agreements of essentially new and secular kinds. By applying ritual procedures normally reserved for human beings to natural objects, they have in common the 'humanisation' of nature (and, in the case of ordination, its elevation to the highest order of humanity). This, in turn has two effects. On the one hand, it implies that the sanction for breaking these community agreements (and no offence is more heinous than that of harming a monk) will be both supernatural and severe. More generally, however, it underlines the interdependence between humanity and its environment, encouraging participants to think of nature as a living, feeling, conscious entity rather than as an object available for exploitation. As Prachak has expressed it:

'Many of us have heard the Buddha's teachings and understood them here, in our minds - but not on our hearts. It's the same with the environment. We hear of its importance. The problem is that we persist in talking as if there's a difference between the environment and ourselves' (quoted in Sivaraksa 1996:62).

Points for comments and reflections:

  1. Can a portion of the gifts and donations received by the temples and churches be given to the needy?
  2. How about the wealth available to temples and churches by way of lands, buildings, knowledge, information, skills, etc., being shared with the communities?
  • please feel free to send us your comments.
  1. CONGRATULATIONS TO TO Ms. ROSALINE Costa

    Ms. Roseline Costa from Bangladesh, quite well-known in Justice and Peace circles in Asia has been selected for the Bishop Tji Hak-soon Justice and Peace Award for the year 1999 sponsored by Tulbit –hoe (‘light upon the field’) foundation in South Korea.

    It is a recognition of the enormous work done by her in the field of Justice under very trying circumstances. Fr. Timm and her have been doing the pioneering work in justice and human rights both within and outside the Church circles. She deserves to be congratulated.

    She has been a close ally of AHRC working on a number of human rights related projects. Their contribution both at the consultations and the launching of the Asian Human Rights Charter has been quite significant and in fact it was later translated into Bengali by her. This we are certain will give a moral boost to all who work under trying circumstances to make the lives of the people more human.

 


ELECTIONS, VIOLENCE and the ROLE OF THE Sri Lankan POLICE
By Mr. Basil Fernando

I Had the opportunity of reading the paper prepared by Godfrey Gunathilaka on Political Violence, which is not yet published as a paper. I would like to add a few aspects which are missing in this paper.

The most traditional from of political violence that is present in both Sinhala and Tamil societies is, caste. Impact of this is so deep in the Sinhala psyche; still it does not even try to deal with this issue. However, once you leave out this issue, there can only be very superficial discussions on political violence in Sri Lanka and superficial discussions do not help to solve anything. In the Indian context, the movement of Untouchables raised this issue and produced such leaders as B.R. Ambedkar and Ramasamy Periar and many others. As a result, movements were born to end the most cruel forms political violence inherent in the Indian society. Ad hoc violence that erupts from time to time at elections, insurrections cannot be understood or fought against without going into the continuing violence that has spread into every aspect of life.

Violence is also related to psychological factors such as the extent of faith the people have of the state agencies that deals with violence and social mechanisms that are available for negotiations, for bringing down tension and to retaliate peacefully against violence. The existence or non-existence of an inner capacity to resist against violence, political or otherwise, is the final guarantee against political violence. There are many countries, which have built-in mechanisms for sustaining a continuous resistance to political violence. Among state agencies, the most important one is the police. Without direct connivance of the police, no significant political violence is possible. The analysis of the recent local elections has shown this very clearly. Any serious attempt to deal with political violence must address the role of police either in creating or eliminating violence. A statement made by a group of persons including some senior police officers on Police Reforms in Sri Lanka, deals with this issue seriously and makes some valuable suggestions. (Asian Human Rights SOLIDARITY, June 1999.). In Sri Lanka, talking about political violence without talking about the role of he police makes the whole discussion senseless. The countries, which have succeeded in reducing political violence, have achieved it mainly through police reforms.

Social factors relating to political violence are community organizations and community arrangements in dealing with conflicts. There are times, as it is now in Sri Lanka, community organizations have suffered great set backs due to intense forms of violence practiced in recent times. In fact, even in the past, traditional forms of violence used in society have been so deep, that communities in Sri Lanka lacked strong traditions of dealing with political violence. Withdrawal rather than involvement has been the social response. Both the traditional Sinhala and Tamil social practices as well as colonial practices have been so violent, people deeply fear any involvement.

Other than the police, the main sources of political violence are the political parties. The instances of unorganized political violence are rare in Sri Lanka. The increase in political violence since seventies in particular was well planed and was considered necessary by the different political groups. Some forms of violence are developed in self-defense or retaliation. Besides, a culture of violence is developed as the political culture of Sri Lanka.

Some intellectuals do not want to address these issues. They want to advice people not be violent, as if it is folk culture that creates political violence. For the middle class intellectuals, people appear as ignorant, foolish and violent. They know nothing of the wisdom of the ordinary people. They do not believe that the people have their own ways of dealing with violence and creating peace. If these natural processes are dead or appear to be dead, the problem is really at the top. If there are changes at the top, these natural processes will rise again and people will intervene in their own ways to deal political violence.

The Campaign against political violence should not degenerate into something like the AMADYAMPA VIYAPARAYA, the anti-liquor campaign. It became a joke among the people, due to its lack of seriousness and superficiality.

At this stage of the election, AN ISLANDWIDE MOVEMENT DIRECTED TOWARDS POLICE, CALLING FOR ITS IMPARTIALITY AND EFFICIENCY, will ensure a less violent political situation in these months leading to the elections and beyond.


NEWS BRIEFS and ANNOUNCEMENTS

  • Indonesian Government decides to create a Ministry of Human Rights. Quite a first and needs to be congratulated
  • AHRC launches a Human Rights School. Lessons on selected topics are prepared for educational purposes and can be made available on request either by mail or e-mail.
  • A Seminar on Fair Trial. A six day seminar on Fair Trial is being conducted by AHRC with the Participation of 12 senior lawyers from 9 countries.

Posted on 1999-11-08



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Asian Human Rights Commission
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